DIPTONGOS E HIATOS

Haio trovato un estúdio molto interessante sopre la evoluzione de las sequenzias vocálicas del latino al romance: From hiatus to diphthong, de Ioana Chitoran e J. Ignacio Hualde. Hi potemos lègere:

In Late Latin there was a process of contraction whereby /i/ and /e/ in hiatus before another vowel became [j]. This glide, in turn, palatalised most preceding consonants, e.g. PALEA > *palja > paʎa ‘straw’ (It. paglia, Port. palha, Fr. paille, Sp. paja). In this paper we are concerned with words containing sequences that remained unaltered after this process had run its full course, or were incorporated into the lexicon at a later stage.

In Classical Latin vowel sequences of rising sonority as in CLIENS ‘client’, ITALIA, were always heterosyllabic.

Romanian is the one [Romance language] with the most robust diphtong/hiatus contrast. (...) Wheter a given lexical item contains a diphtong or a heterosyllabic [hiatus] séquense is generally predictiable from etymological considerations. Sequences of vocoids of rising sonority are realised as diphthongs if they come either from the breaking of lower-mid vowels, or from the palatalisation of laterals. Latin sequences in hiatus have not contracted to diphthongs in any position (ITALIA > [itáli.a] ‘Italy’, MEDIANA > [medi.ána] ‘median’). The only lexical exception known to us is [djavol] ‘devil’ from Latin DIABOLU. (...) Romanian therefore appears to be a conservative Romance language in this respect.

In French, unlike Romanian, the sequences of vocoids under discusión are quite systematically syllabified as diphthongs.

[In Spanish] the vast majority of words with etymological heterosyllabic sequences nowadays have lexical diphtongs, which is the unmarked or regular syllabification of iV sequences. [But] diphthongisation has been prevented [exceptionaly, and with dialectal variation] under the initality and stress conditions, as in [DIABOLU > di.áblo, CLIENTE > cli.énte, CREARE > cri.ár, TRIUMPHU > tri.únfo].

In Portuguese there is no diphthong/hiatus contrast. The general pattern is syllabification in hiatus, with optional gliding occurring in colloquial speech, mostly in post-tonic position, as in palác[ju] ‘palace’, glór[ja] ‘glory’. It has been noted that in this respect Portuguese is strikingly different from Spanish, French, and Italian.
We would like to suggest that this difference between Portuguese and Spanish is related to the fact that Portuguese lacks other historical sources of diphthongs. Unlike Spanish and French, mid vowels did not undergo breaking in Portuguese.

It is well known that hiatus is dispreferred cross-linguistically. Evidence for avoiding hiatus by proceses such as diphthongisation, vowel elisión, glide or consonant epéntesis, is quete overwhelming. In the case of high-nonhigh vowel sequences a very common sound change is the reclassification of heterosyllabic sequences (i.V) as tautosyllabic diphthongs (jV).

In a language like Portuguese or Catalan, for example, where there are no independent prevocalic glides from other sources to act as additional attractors, the stable articulatory structure of the diphthong may alone have an effect on hiatus sequences. In Portuguese gliding is occasionally possible in casual, colloquial speech. In this sense, the diphthong can be said to constitute a phonetically more natural structure.

Secondo toto questo, credo che en neolatino hi deveria havere una distinzione entre [j]V (ex. sapia) e [i]V (ex. història). Havemos [j] onde ja era presente en lo latino volgare, e [i] en préstetos posteriores del latino. Opzionalmente se pòte fácere un diptòngo pòs síllaba accentuata (ex. historia).

REDOPLAMENTO FONOSINTÁCTICO

Dès una perspectiva non italiana se pòte crédere che las consonantes geminatas son un arcaismo superfluo. Provaraio de mostrare che non è cosí.

Las consonantes doples non se han perduto en tota la Románia ni sopreviven solamente en qualche dialècto isolato. Se conservan con plena vitalitate en un romance tanto importante como lo italiano. En consequenza non son arcaicas.

Lo romance neolatino non pòte convèrgere las consonantes doples con las simples perche non han la metéssima evoluzione en la maioria de romances (menos en romeno). En italiano e sardo se conserva la differenza entre doples e simples. En la Románia occidentale las consonantes doples, en generale, se simplifican mais las consonantes simples pòten, per exemplo, sonorizar-se. En consequenza, lo mantenimento de las consonantes doples en neolatino non è superfluo per la maiioria de romanófonos:

La 'cc' de neo. 'bocca' indica a los parlantes occidentales che en loros romances questa parola pòte havere una simple, como en cas. 'boca'.
La 'c' de neo. 'acora' indica a los parlantes occidentales che en loros romances questa parola pòte havere un , como en por. 'agora'.

La 'tt' de neo 'botta' > cas. 'bota'.
La 't' de neo 'cata' > cas. 'cada'.

Etc.

La 'nn' de neo. 'anno' indica a los parlantes del castellano e lo catalano che questa parola pòte havere una palatalizazione en loros romances, como en cas. 'año'.
Análogamente, la 'll' de neo. 'castèllo' indica la palatalizazione del cas. 'castillo'.

La latina se conserva en castellano e catalanao, per exemplo.

Conservando las consonantes doples lo romance neolatino representa melhore la diversitate del romance. E se conservamos las consonantes doples en lo vocabulário heretato, per coherenzia devemos conservar-las en los cultismos.

Secondo M. Payne (en Phonetic variation in Italian consonant gemination
Elinor), hi ha los sequentes tipos de consonantes longas en italiano estándarde:

1) word-internal, lexically contrastive, with phonemic status
e.g. pappa [p'ap:a] ‘mush’
2) word-initial or internal, ‘inherently long’ when intervocalic
e.g. lascia [l'aʃ:a] ‘s/he leaves’, la sciarpa [la ʃ:'arpa] ‘the scarf’
3) word-initial, post-lexical, prosodically triggered RS
e.g. virt`u diversa [virt'u d:iv'ɛrsa] ‘different virtue’
4) word-initial, post-lexical, lexically triggered RS
e.g. e Roma [e r:'oma] ‘and Rome’
5) low-level, non-obligatory, phonetic assimilation of clusters
e.g. tecnico [t'ɛn:iko] ‘technical’
6) low-level, word-boundary false geminates
e.g. al lido [al:'ido] ‘to the lido (beach resort)’

Lo "raddoppiamento fonosintattico" (RF) è presente en las varietates che conservan las consonantes doples (crèdo che non existen dialèctos con consonantes doples sene RF.). Securamente è tròppo diffícile per los parlantes de romances sene consonantes doples (como mòstra lo facto che los italianos septentrionales non realizan generalmente lo RF). En plus, non ha una utilitate per los parlantes de altros romances como sí han las de 'botta' (> t) vs. la de 'cata'. (>d).

Per toto, non havevo incluso inizialmente lo RF en neolatino per non complicare tròppo la lengua, mais era una questione aperta che deveva èssere estudiata profondamente. Acora ho visto che lo "raddopiamento fonosintattico" non è una innovazione italiana, mais una característica del proto-romance che únicamente lo italiano ha conservata.

Secondo Loporcano:

http://books.google.es/books?id=3fSsa7DPlNQC&pg=PA325&dq=raddoppiamen...

"In Italian, gemination of an initial consonant is regularly triggered when the preceding word ends in a stressed vowel. On the other had, RF [raddoppiamento foneticosintattico] is also triggered by a closed list of unstressed monosyllables whose Latin etymon ended in a consonant
that got assimilated in external sandhi:

a. regular RF: tu [d:]ici, del lat. TU DICIS

b. irregular RF: e [t:]u, del lat. ET TU

(...) irregular RF is attested in the Latin sources, while regular RF is not; and apart from Tuscan, all the remaining dialects showing RF all over Sothern Italy and Sardinia actually lack stress-conditioned RF. (...) Regular RF must have arisen, by reanalysis of irregular one, during the history of Tuscan, and surely not in the Latin-Romance transition."

En consequenza, como lo RF irregolare è protorromance, deveria formare parte del romance neolatino. Deveremos estudiare las paròlas che producen RF (non son las metéssimas en totos los dialèctos con RF). Non obstante, non è una questione urgente, perche lo RF non se representa gráficamente.